Showing posts with label Culture. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Culture. Show all posts

THE UDHR AND THE ICCPR VERSUS THE ACHPR

By CHERYL L. DAYTEC

                                                       -Confucius
                                                                
          The Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) and  the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights  (ICCPR) differ from the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) on the matter of the duties they impose on individual rights holders. The differences are:

1.     Both the UDHR and the ICCPR  declare that individuals have duties but opted to be silent on what these duties are, while the African Charter enumerates them.

2.     The UDHR and ICCPR state   that    duties of individuals are owed to  the community, and, under the   latter,  to other individuals,  while the African Charter is specific that individuals have duties to  their “fellow beings,” the family and specifically the parents, society, the State, other legally recognized communities and the international community.

3.     The UDHR and ICCPR suggest that states impose   on human beings  duties to others and to  the community to ensure an environment conducive   to  the full enjoyment of individual human rights indicative of an individualist view. The ACHPR creates  individual duties to promote the interest of peoples, states and societies evidencing a communitarian view.   

What explains the differences? To be very sure, the UDHR and the ICCPR are documents applicable to the entirety of the globe, a conglomeration of states of  diverse  peoples and cultures. Thus the  language on duties was deliberately   couched in general terms to grant states room  to determine those duties appropriate or relevant  to their contexts.  On the other hand, the ACHPR is limited to Africa, a region comprised of states whose respective political, economic and cultural landscapes, though each distinct,   are similar. Logically,  its drafting was  influenced by the region’s  material circumstances. The strong emphasis  on individuals’ duties  to the state and society to foster national and regional unity may be impelled by the   imperative to consolidate power against any form of colonial domination in either its old or new configuration, i.e. neocolonialism. It  is significant  to note that the states parties were relatively newly emergent from the cocoon of colonial bondage when they ratified the Charter. To advocates of realism, this polemic  is reasonable. States will always act in their interest.

The question is whether or not these differences suggest different understandings of the nature of human right. There is  a  strong bedrock for the conclusion that the UDHR and ICCPR, on one hand, and the ACHPR, on the other, understand the nature of  rights differently. For one thing, the ICCPR and UDHR regard the individual as the “be-all and end-all” of rights inherent in human nature, reflective of a naturalist approach. This is clear from the rhetoric of  ICCPR  which states that “(e)veryone  has duties  to the community on  which alone the free and full development of his (sic) personality is possible.”[i] The maintenance of a just society will  guarantee the enjoyment of  individual rights, as in the discourse  of John Locke articulated by Shestack.  Having emerged from a social compact, the state now vested with  police, eminent domain and taxation powers must  send its apparatuses working to cloister from any form of assault the rights to life, liberty and property which human beings resolved not to alienate to it. In short, the state exists to promote individual rights.  

 The ACHPR views  collectives (e.g. states,  societies and peoples) as the ultimate beneficiaries of any rights regime. Individuals’ rights must be respected to the extent that they result in the realization of a collective identity (e.g. as a people, or as Africans)   and of collective aspirations which may be interpreted to mean the State’s interest. On this score, the approach resembles the Marxist slant which subordinates individual  interests to the collective’s. 

Also worth noting is that the ICCPR and UDHR  contain  derogation and limitation clauses,[ii]  while the ACHR has none which exposes human rights to susceptibility of  erosion by states as feared by Buergenthal. The absence of provisions as to  the extent of derogation or limitation of rights demonstrates  a positivist approach to human rights. Rights are legal constructs that derive their breath and  reason d’etre  from  states. Necessarily, the power to grant carries with it the power to withhold.  This approach consigns rights to the ideological temperaments of those whose hands are hoisting  the  power trident.

But the ACHPR may be regarded as  a bipolar document,  or a knife that cuts  both ways. After all, it has strong guarantees for individual rights as much as it has strong orders for duties. At  best, the protection or violation  of human rights is left to the proclivities, reason and/or sympathies of  individuals given the mandate to interpret its provisions.  To the African peoples, it can be either a blessing or a curse, or both.




[i] Art. 29(1)

[ii] Arts. 4, 5,  8(2), 6(2,3,6), 10(2a),  12(3), 14(1), 18(3), 19(3), 21, 22(2,3),  and (29 (2) of ICCPR and  Art. 29(2) of UDHR.

THE REAL PEOPLE'S REPRESENTATIVE

by CHERYL L. DAYTEC



Bae Bibiyaon Ligkayan Bigkay, the only female tribal chieftain in Mindanao, proved her mettle by dressing down North Cotabato Congresswoman Nancy Catamco for the latter's act of further exposing the indigenous  Manobos to militarization and human rights violations. The Manobos fled their village and sought refuge in Davao City because of military and paramilitary Alamara's presence. They were subjected to daily harassment and had to parry accusations of being members of the revolutionary group New People's Army.

For media mileage and political points, this cerebrally-unendowed pathetic excuse for a Congresswoman named Nancy Catamco brought the police to Davao City to aid her in forcing the Manobos to return to their village. The trespass into the sanctuary provided by the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) was definitely brutal. Scores were hurt.

Using Orwellian parlance, Catamco  announced that she was rescuing the more or less 700 Manobos  from their place of refuge (Figure out that one yourself.)  She acted with condescension while professing to be indigenous herself. When the people- whose culture looks up to sincerity more than power- expressed incredulity when she gave a litany of promises, she   raised her voice at them  and called them stinky. And this is the shocker: She chairs the House of Representatives committee on indigenous peoples.


Undaunted by the indigenous people's rejection of her "assistance," Rep. Catamco  returned to them and tried to give the same old, poisonous wine in the same old poisonous, bottle. She engaged in a virtual  monologue which was essentially double talk.

Then  an old woman spoke. She had no script. She had sheer courage and the issues of her people. Her rhetoric was shorn of euphemisms and subservient tone. She was defiant. For five minutes, she gave a loud  voice to sufferings  that demand to be heard. Each time Rep. Catamco tried to interrupt, she would say, "Shut up! Listen!" That is what representatives should do more than talk: Listen to their principals, the people they claim to represent in the august body called Congress.

All of us who articulate indigenous concerns cannot measure up to the courage and eloquence of  Bae Bibiyaon Likgayan Bigkay. Step aside and forget your ambitions to go to Congress to represent IPs. She's The One!

Let us demystify that body called House of Representatives. To it, let us elect people who walk the streets, not people who walk on clouds. Let us send issues, not ambition. Let us send solutions, not problems. Let us send true-to-life stories, not fairy tales. Let us send hearts, not money. Let us send selflessness, not greed. Let us send human beings, not gods and goddesses.

Let us send this woman.

ON THE CANDY PANGILINAN INCIDENT



It looks like finally, the uproar caused by Candy Pangilinan's statement: "Tao po ako, hindi po ako Igorot (I am a human being, not an Igorot.)!" is waning. As soon as she opened her mouth, we Igorots clenched our fists and went to war. For the enlightenment of our non-Filipino readers, Igorots are indigenous peoples found in the Cordillera region of Northern Philippines.

On May 12, I wrote her a fuming-mad if not arrogant letter (reproduced below) which, I was told, was posted by more than one hundred concerned individuals on their Facebook, Multiply and Friendster sites. Some posted it on their blogsites and on on-line forums. Candy was condemned by Igorots and non-Igorots. On my Facebook site, there were hundreds of reactions most of which were of disgust at her behaviour.

On May 13, she sent me a very remorseful letter of apology saying she would make a public apology on national television. After her public apology, I sent her another letter whose tone was this time calm, unlike the first one which was berserk. In my second letter, I asked Candy to rectify her error by using her relative influence to raise public consciousness of the Igorots.

To be fair to her, she already expressed her remorse on national television. And she also appeared before the Baguio City Council to apologize- a brave act considering that the Council passed a resolution condemning her and declaring her a persona non-grata.

I believe that after the public backlash, she learned her lesson and is now aware of who Igorots are.

I am posting my two letters to Candy and, to be fair to her, her message to me:

x--------------------x

The First Letter

Candy, I am a poet and human rights lawyer who happens to be indigenous. In particular, I am a member of the Kankanaey ethnolinguistic group. Kankanaeys are Igorots.


I am currently in Australia attending a training on indigenous peoples rights. Yesterday, I learned that when you had a concert in Baguio, you shouted twice: "Tao po ako, hindi po ako Igorot." This incident was discussed with the participants in the training because I brought it out. Australian aborigines recall the time they were not considered humans and were downgraded by the Australian government to the level of "part of the flora and fauna." How you treated us right in our territory smacks of shamelessness and outright ignorance of who Igorots are. You are as bad as the Australian government which, by the way, had the humility to apologize to the aborigines in 2009.


You can claim that you were joking. Twice, you were joking? Real artists use performance art to inspire noble emotions, not hatred for or discrimination against a particular ethnic group. Since you call yourself an artist, you should know that you have a social responsibility which demands that you should not promote ethnic bias.

It is a good thing that you are not so popular because your very prejudicial statement would have influenced the minds of millions of people. The fact of your stature in the entertainment industry does not however mitigate the vileness of your statement.


I hope that like the Australian government, you will have the humility to apologize on national television to the indigenous peoples whose collective identity you slurred with your careless statement.


Cheryl L. Daytec


Candy's Response

Yes i am scheduled for a public apology.
It was not intended to mean that way.
No explanation naman can calm all of you.
kaya po, i'm sorry... I am actually trying to get in touch with the Igorot community to personally give my apologies. I would like to show my sincere apologies, in any way I can.I do not know how to reach everyone with my apologies. More than I am afraid that you will all get mad, I am so dissapointed with myself that i have hurt people
The guilt is beyond me.
I don't know what to say... I made a mistake. I'm sorry.
If you read the multiply site ang dami pong hurtful words ang nakasulat and I feel I deserve it for causing people pain.
I certainly know that I am not above anyone and would not intentionally hurt anyone.
This is a humbling experience. A lesson learned the hard way. I am praying now that you all just forgive me for once. i assure all of you that his will never happen again.
I am sorry.


My Second Letter

Dear Candy,


I want you to know I feel less bad after reading your message to me to which was appended your statement of public apology.

You did what you did- carelessly as you now admit with remorse. Igorots from all over the globe reacted - naturally with outrage. I hope you understand the ""tumult."

I am sure you wish you could turn back the hands of time and undo what you did. But it is just not possible. So what matters is how you will rectify your misdeed. You are in a position to correct misconceptions. It will be nice if you will emerge from this experience an "artistang bayan," someone who will use her relative influence to effect social change. Forgiveness from the people you wronged may not be immediate but it will come especially if Igorots see that you are making amends beyond your public apology.

I did not watch your public apology as at the moment, I am abroad. Many who did say you "seemed sincere" (The use of the modifier "seemed" means they have doubts, but the inclination is towards believing you.). I believe apologizing publicly was not a baby step for you or anyone in your position for that matter. Although some people may not feel it was enough, it is a portent of good things to come- for you at least.

If there is something good that came out of the incident, it made the Igorots from all over the globe congregate around their besieged identity. In good times, some of us may take for granted our history of struggle for recognition and the importance of continuously raising public consciousness of who and what we are. But in bad times,we revisit our past as a people, claim our roots with pride. We remember with ardor in our hearts that our ancestors resisted Spanish colonization for centuries, that self-determination was a right they were ready to fight for with their very lives. We remember that the present society can learn from our indigenous history and will be transformed if we reclaim the values they held dear. I am not saying however that more ethnic bashing of Igorots - or of any ethnolinguistic group- should happen.

Unfortunately, some of us may have become irrational in expressing our outrage to ethnic slur and I am not an exception. On hindsight, I myself realized that invoking my academic award to stress my point in my letter to you was devoid of rational connection to a principled critical reaction to your statement. When I wrote the letter, I was feeling so horrified that you truly thought we were not humans (and only humans go to school.). Add to this the fact that I was immersed in an activity on indigenous peoples rights where shared experiences of racial discrimination reopened old wounds, exacerbated fresh ones, and created new ones for us who were hearing for the first time the stories of other indigenous peoples from various countries.

Australian aboriginals shared with pain in their hearts that under discriminatory laws, they were classed with plants and animals in the wild, the flora and fauna. Children of mixed blood were abducted from their parents who were thought unfit to care for children. Members of the Stolen Generation still suffer from the psychological damage wrought by their very, very sorrowful experience. In February 2008 however, Prime Minister Steven Rudd apologized. Although the apology did not (and could not) restore the damage done, it eased the aboriginals' baggage. Every time they spoke, they acknowledged the traditional owners of the land where we were holding an activity. I thought that was so uplifting and was hoping the same could be done in our country. Listening to them recount their ordeal as an oppressed people, I was so emotionally affected.You can imagine the state I was in when I expressed my anger to you for what you did in my birthplace which was originally owned by the Ibalois who are Igorots.

I am not going to apologize for people who may have gone overboard, responding to you with similar or equal slur because that is for them to do. But I ask you to understand them and see the shape of the lessons we can all draw from this experience.

I wish you well. As an Igorot, I have forgiven you for the hurt caused me personally.

Sincerely,

Cheryl Daytec

MARKY CIELO: THE BOY WHO REAWAKENED IGOROT CONSCIOUSNESS



Charles de Gaulle said, “The grave is full of indispensable people.” Last Sunday, Marky Cielo joined them.


He was at the height of his popularity. As I write this, the nation grieves over his unexpected demise. It will take a long time for the Cordillera to come to terms with the death of this young man who will always be a model to peoples struggling with their indigenous identities and against racial and ethnic  prejudice.

Mark Angelo Cadaweng Cielo was an ordinary person with extraordinary achievements the least being that he reshaped the Igorot consciousness of that strange planet called show business. Igorots are not fascinated by the world of celebrities – a world scourged with scandals and intrigues alien to our cultures. Showbiz is like oxygen to us –we know it exists but we hardly notice it. In Baguio City, celebrities come and go but no one mobs them.

To a certain degree, Marky eroded this nonchalance when he joined Starstruck, a national talent search show. On Day One, the boy, all too cognizant that there is an overwhelming ethnic bias against Igorots, declared, “I am an Igorot,” like it was a badge of honor. Articulating on national television the bigotry against indigenous peoples, another contestant revealed dislike for Marky on account of the latter’s “Igorotness.”

The eyes of a people that used to ignore show business got glued to the television screen. The Igorots’ collective heart was touched by Marky’s proud acknowledgment of his indigenous roots while their collective pride was seriously wounded by ethnic discrimination. As their ancestors congregated around their love for liberty to resist Spanish colonization, they united around their ethnic identity to rise against chauvinism. History was repeating itself.

In the 1950s, Carlos Romulo’s effigy was burned in Baguio’s Malcolm Square, now People’s Park. What did Romulo do to whip up impassioned ire? In his book Mother America, he wrote: “The fact remains that the Igorot is not Filipino and we are not related, and it hurts our feelings to see him pictured in American newspapers under such captions as ‘Typical Filipino Tribesman.’” Igorot students, now our parents and grandparents, mobilized one of the biggest mass actions in Baguio City. Aside from Romulo’s effigy, several copies of the book were reduced to ashes. The former UN President, UN Security Council Chairman and Pulitzer prize winner, was forced to apologize. That was a moment for the Igorots.

The opportunity to again rally around our besieged ethnic identity came in 1988. Ramon Labo, then Baguo City Mayor was quoted by Manila Chronicle to have said: “We will not lose (the elections) to those Igorots. They urinate anywhere . . . that is why we club them. . . . The Igorots are traitors. They are civil in front of you, but once you turn your back they stab you.” Like a blitzkrieg, a massive rally confronted him. I was among the incensed young people in that momentous gathering.

With the same outrage that spurred the burning of Romulo’s effigy and book and the protest against Labo in his own kingdom, Igorots, here and abroad, tremendously supported Marky with text and internet votes. The candid, talented boy topped the competition. Right after his victory, Harry Basingat, moderator of Bibaknets, the biggest online Igorot forum, predicted that Marky’s victory, which he helped propel by spearheading an international text brigade, would make Igorots – even those “in the closet” - proud of their ethnic heritage. And it did.

As Marky reawakened the Igorots’ consciousness of their identity, he also helped reshape the outsiders’ awareness of Igorots.

Igorot history has long been a victim of suppression. Historian William Henry Scott wrote: “It is a strange thing that history textbooks commonly in use in…the Philippines never mention the fact that the Igorot peoples of Northern Luzon fought for their liberty against foreign aggression during the 350 years that their lowland brethren were being ruled over by Spanish invaders.”

Because of our ancestors’ record of resistance to foreign colonization, the colonizers cast Igorots as uncivilized people. The word “igolot” which means “from the mountains” was bastardized. It became synonymous to inferiority, backwardness or ignorance. The bigotry became ingrained in the national consciousness, thanks in large part to the educational system and the media that perpetuated it.

When I was a university student, people would express their awe that I, a relatively good student, was an Igorot. My experience is not isolated. Our parents and grandparents talk about how the unenlightened country would goad them about their tails!

The stigma was and remains strong that some feel the need to capitulate to prejudice by denying their Igorot identity. There is a story about a girl who grew up among the Igorot Community in St. Lukes Hospital Compound, Quezon City. Asked if she is an Igorot, she replied, “No. It is my parents who are Igorots.” To this day, many Ifugaos and Kalingas, perhaps to insulate themselves from ethnic bias, refuse to be called Igorots. But since Marky’s victory, many also soared above prejudice and are now proud to claim Igorot roots.

Marky’s success did not totally surface our suppressed history, but it contributed to the rectification of outsiders’ misconceptions and the emergence of many Igorots from their cocoon of cultural inferiority. In media events which are powerful purveyors of consciousness, he would claim his Igorot roots when the opportunity presented itself. And since he lived an unblemished life, the cultural majority’s group psyche long soaked in stereotypes and bigotry against Igorots, underwent restructuring. Marky was the specimen of the Igorots. On the part of the cultural majority, disdain slowly took the form of admiration. On the part of closet Igorots, shame slowly metamorphosed into pride.

In the world of show business where scandals are so generic, Marky was a cut above the rest. There was no smear on his reputation and not a whisper was breathed implicating him in anything disgraceful. He lived his life beyond reproach, and this was itself a war against the prejudices suffered by his people, a war where he had the upper hand. He showed the world that the Igorot is not uncivilized, the Igorot is courteous, the Igorot is humble, the Igorot has talents. And yes, there are Igorots who are evil, but aren’t there such scum in every ethnolinguistic group? The Arroyo administration’s record on human rights violation is a telltale sign of civilization’s erosion, and Arroyo and her henchmen responsible for it are not Igorots.

In death as in life, Marky continues to shatter stereotypes against Igorots. I surfed the net and read hundreds of entries about him. Every article that spoke of the boy’s remarkable character mentioned that he was an Igorot.

Manang Mildred, Marky’s mother said that she hopes that people will remember him for the good he has done. Her son’s life will be fossilized in our memory, if not in future history books for many reasons. He has left footprints that future generations of Igorots can always follow and this is a lasting legacy. But for me, his biggest contribution to our struggle as indigenous peoples is that he united Igorots from all the nook and cranny of the earth around their beleaguered ethnic identity, a reassurance that the Igorots are not a vanishing species, a guarantee that Igorots will not succumb to ethnic discrimination, a ray of hope that the ethnic prejudice will one day be conquered.

Albert Einsten said, “Our death is not an end if we can live on in our children and the younger generation. For they are us, our bodies are only wilted leaves on the tree of life. “

A young star burst but its light will shine eternal in the hearts of a people proud of him for being proud of them in spite of the formidable odds.

Rest in peace, Marky. Thank you for your life.

IP IMPRIMATURS TO MINING: SYMPTOMS OF INTERNALIZED OPPRESSION


By: Cheryl L. Daytec-Yangot and Mary Ann M. Bayang

Cordillera Indigenous Peoples Legal Center

In 2006, the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines denounced the Arroyo administration’s Mining Revitalization Program. Reiterating its call for the repeal of the Mining Act, the CBCP said: “The right to life of people is inseparable from their right to sources of food and livelihood. Allowing the interests of big mining corporations to prevail over people’s right to these sources amounts to violating their right to life. The promised economic benefits of mining …are outweighed by the dislocation of communities especially among our indigenous brothers and sisters, and the risks to health and livelihood and massive environmental damage. Mining areas remain among the poorest areas in the country… The cultural fabric of indigenous peoples is also being destroyed by the entry of mining corporations.” A 2003 report of the Extractive Industries Review project commissioned by the World Bank warned of environmental degradation, social disruption, conflict, and uneven sharing of benefits with local communities that bear the negative social and environmental impact.

Glossing over the warnings, the Arroyo administration which aggressively adopted mining as the cornerstone of its economic development paradigm recently identified 24 major mining priority areas, eighteen of which are in indigenous territories. As if this is not alarming enough, it boasted in its report to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) that the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) whose primary mandate is to protect indigenous peoples (IPs) has already issued a total of 127 Certificates of Precondition, 70 of which are for mining. A certificate of precondition removes the final obstacle to the national government’s issuance, renewal or grant of concession, lease or license over natural resources within ancestral domains. Under the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA), the free, prior and informed consent(FPIC) of affected IPs must be secured before NCIP issues the certificate.

Citing the issuance of the 127 Certificates of Precondition as an accomplishment is baffling for it indicates failure on the part of NCIP to fulfill its mandate. Announcing it to the international community is very upsetting considering the aftermath. Every certificate of precondition allowing large-scale mining perpetuates the oppression of IPs. Every such certification legitimizes displacement from their ancestral domains. Every displacement culminates in cultural genocide. It is hoped that the CERD will see the certificates for the license to exploit that they are and not for the accomplishments that they are not.

One may argue that NCIP would not have turned on the green light without the FPIC of the affected IP communities. But communities who labor under a state of internalized oppression are not capable of giving consent.

Internalized oppression is a construct pivotal to the understanding of IP’s psychology. It means simply that they have become co-authors of their own abuse. But more than being a cause of the escalation of marginalization, internalized oppression is the aftermath of lingering external oppression committed against them by a well-entrenched political system which has historically ignored their welfare while plundering their territories, endangering their very existence.

People who have long been oppressed are prone to eventually see their situation with the eyes of their oppressor. In neocolonial states, hunger may be defined as the need for a McDonalds hamburger, thirst is the need for Coke, illiteracy is the need for English proficiency, underdevelopment is the need for free trade and US intervention into their domestic affairs, a child’s loneliness is the need for Barbie dolls or Mickey Mouse stuffed toys, ugliness is the need for whitening products.

For so long, generations of IPs have been painfully excluded from enjoyment of the bounties within their ancestral territories which became protected areas, timberlands, national parks, government reservations, mines, or plantations of the oligarchy. Without letting up, the State has been trampling down IP rights for the sake of “national interest” translated into the interest of the ruling elite or oligarchy that dominates the political system. Because of drawn-out experiences of marginalization and underdevelopment, many IPs now view their abject state through the vision of their exploiters. So underdevelopment has become the need for an extractive industry even with its deleterious effects on their food security, culture and survival. There is nothing to see beyond the promised jobs and livelihood opportunities which have eluded them for long. They have come to accept that there are heavy costs to pay and sacrifices to make to be like the dominant groups.

The giving of FPIC’s to mining and other destructive industries is proof of the IP’s state of unenlightenment and internalized oppression. Consent to large-scale mining can never be free and informed. Communities especially indigenous ones whose culture has always championed intergenerational responsibility in resource management and who fully understand that mining deprives the future generations of resources loaned from them, will never agree to it. By giving their “FPIC,” they become unsuspecting co-conspirators in the bureaucratic process aimed at opening their natural wealth to limitless pillage by capitalist interests and their eventual dislocation from their cultural and economic base.

The recently-issued EO 726 putting the NCIP under the Department of Environment and Natural Resources is, in the ultimate analysis, a premeditated move to subordinate IP rights to the Regalian Doctrine which is the latter’s raison d’etre. This is fairly obvious. Gloria Arroyo, principal author of the Mining Act of 1995, has began to sound like a destroyed compact disc with her oft-repeated declaration that mining will pave the road to national development, given that the economy is ailing. In areas where community opposition to mining is high, she put the military at the disposal of mining industries in the guise of counter-insurgency. Under the Investment Defense Force, the military has become the private army of what Romulo Neri called the “booty capitalists” who used the elections to gain policy favors and advantages from the political system. EO 726 should thus be viewed with suspicion and with suspicion comes vigilance.

The NCIP is put in a bind and its current position in the Arroyo administration might reduce it into a “fixer” to facilitate the obtainment of IP’s imprimatur to mining. But it needs to understand that its job is not to ensure FPIC; the pith and core of its existence is to protect IPs from abuse, and this means making sure that there is no “FPIC” to destructive, large-scale industries, for such “FPIC” is a weapon for auto-genocide. When NCIP issues no Certificate of Precondition to mining and other large-scale extractive industries, it becomes a measure of its zeal to pursue its mandate. It is a record that the Filipino nation can proudly announce to the international community. But when it signs 127 such certificates, it leaves a legacy of oppression –by the State, by itself and by the sector whose interest it should protect.

As the bureaucratic apparatus whose primary mandate is to protect IPs, NCIP has to break through the miserable state of unenlightenment that afflicts many IP communities. It should incorporate the construct of internalized oppression in implementing its mandate of advancing IP rights. But first, it must rise above its own internalized oppression. With that will come the courage and competence to throw its heavy weight nourished by IPRA and make the state rectify wrongs committed against the IPs. Otherwise it will metamorphose into a bureau to manage oligarchic interests in ancestral domains, if it is not so already.

Only when IPs conquer their internalized oppression can they be capable of giving FPIC. And only when NCIP conquers its internalized oppression can it liberate IPs from internalized oppression. The blind cannot lead the blind.

*Originally published by The Northern Dispatch

Reexamining the Oppression of Indigenous Peoples

Bill Bilig's blog From The Boondocks tackles the plight of indigenous peoples in Kasibu, Nueva Vizcaya adversely affected by the operation of an Australian mining firm. You can read the article here.

This blog has a soft spot for indigenous peoples. Despite the feature by From The Boondocks I cannot shake off the urge to append a footnote in this blog.

By way of summary, an Australian firm, Oxiana, was given permit by the State to explore Kasibu for copper and gold. The area is inhabited by the Bugkalots who are natives of that place, Benguet Ibalois and Kankanaeys who migrated there after their lands were grabbed by the State to pave the way for the construction of the dams, and other indigenous peoples. The affected IPs are resisting the operation of Oxiana. They staged mass actions which turned violent because Oxiana let loose members of the CAFGU to subdue them.

The resistance tells us one thing-the IP's free prior and informed consent (FPIC) was not secured before Oxiana got its permit, as required under the Indigenous People's Rights Act (IPRA). Why did the local government not speak for the resident IP's? Why did the Department of Environment and Natural Resources indorse the permit of this brawny economic force? And where is the National Commission for Indigenous Peoples in the midst of this controversy? Why does the State seem unable to see the IPs in Kasibu? They are there. They exist. In flesh, in blood. Their mass action is their way of shedding off the veil of invisibility shrouding the vision of those in whose hands their fortune or misfortune resides. It is a struggle to be visible to the eyes that refuse to see.

The story of the IPs in Kasibu is not new. Indigenous peoples all over the world have one story - the plot is always a pattern of oppression authored by the bureaucratic apparatuses in collaboration with capitalist interests. All that is happening in Kasibu is atrocious to say the least. The government, instead of providing refuge to its constituents, is placing its resources at the disposal of the mining firm. Oxiana employed the CAFGU for its own vested interests! And the courts granted a temporary restraining order against the IPs, clearing Oxiana's bulldozers' path into the bowels of Kasibu. I can see Oxiana's long, sinister arms itching to abstract the gold and copper.

My heart goes out to the migrant Benguet IPs. They fled oppression in Benguet and sought refuge in Kasibu only to realize decades after that they they jumped out of the frying pan into a furnace waiting to burn. Very much like the Israelites who escaped slavery in Egypt to wander in the desert for forty long years!

IPs are intimate with Mother Nature. Regardless of time and space, the IPs' collective psyche concedes that the present generation is merely the steward of Nature for posterity. It is this belief that eliminates gluttony in their culture. Why natural wealth abounds in their territories should not be riddle. If it were up to them, their descending bloodline will never know hunger. But what they are saving for the generations centuries from now are what the capitalists are too agitated to exproriate in the name of profit. The big problem with capitalists is that no amount of profit is ever enough. Posterity be damned!

The natural wealth of IP territories makes them magnets of oppression and abuse everywhere. The capitalists (the economic force that controls the means of production) and States forged a dominant conspiracy to render the IPs defenseless, and their subjugation a foregone conclusion. Look at the IP's in the Kasibu. The government cannot help them, because it is in excessive entanglement with Oxiana. In the not-too-distant past, Gloria Arroyo, who occupies the most coveted swivel chair in Malacañang, seduced investors to explore the Philippine mountains for minerals. I heard Sen. Jamby Madrigal state in one forum that during the six months that Mike Defensor sat as DENR Secretary, he issued more or less 4,000 mining permits, almost equal to the number of such permits issued duirng Marcos' 20-year rule! What an unprecedented record.

Many of us labeled Karl Marx insane for saying that the State is nothing but an instrument for oppression by the ruling class. To be more exact, he said that the Executive is nothing but a committee to manage the affairs of the bourgeoisie.

With all that is happening in Kasibu right now, Marx could not be more right. And anyone who challenges him must remove his/her blinders. Sight, too, is freedom.

Let me express my lament at the abuse of IPs everywhere by reprinting my poem which was previously published by Bulatlat and The Northern Dispatch.


Invisible II
(for the Philippine indigenous peoples)

We were born rich in an abundant land.
Then they saw us and all of a sudden-

We were invisible. They did not see us
when they came to vandalize the burial
grounds of our ancestors to herald the
fabrication of counterfeit lakes and rivers
with strong flux to command brightness
for faraway places they called civilization.
We looked at our future--
It
was
dark.


We were invisible. They did not see us
when they came with their bulldozers
and made plains of our mountains, our
home and refuge for millions of years.
In the sacrosanct name of development,
they erected chateaus for the bourgeois.
We looked at our home--
It
was
gone.


We were invisible. They did not see us
when with supercilious air, they flounced
into our florid forest thieving her coins and
jewelry; she is now void inside, threadbare
on the surface, dumped by false gods who
wallow in the brimming briny of her wealth.
We looked at ourselves--
We
were
poor.

We are the people whose life is the land
The land is departed; so are we demised.
We flounder in the miasma of destitution.
Our invisibility was our strong impotence.
Our invisibility was our victorious defeat.

Our visibility
is our campaign
against invisibility.




Cordillera Autonomy

One thing about watching the TV evening news is that you get bolted out of your respite from intellectual processes. History is unfurling. Dreams are being aired, and being shot down on air. And you just have to proclaim your take. Last night, I learned that discussions on Cordillera autonomy will be revived in Congress. This is in time for the commemoration of the Mt. Data Peace Pact between renegade priest Fr. Conrado Balweg and Pres. Corazon Aquino in the late 1980's.

 I do not know if the public has recovered from fatigue after two failed attempts at the establishment of a Cordillera Autonomous Region. I was a Director of the Cordillera Executive Board, the body created under Executive Order No. 220 to prepare the Cordillera Region for autonomy (Would you believe I was in my early 20's when I got the appointment? I was so eager to do something really huge. Before my appointment, I was already aware of the defects of the bureaucratic apparatuses. I thought I was ready to deal with them. Gosh, the defects were endemic, as they are now. No wonder people with vision and the heart for substantive change leave the bureaucracy frustrated.

Anyway, I saw how the last autonomy bill was crafted. Let me explain the rejection of the last autonomy law this way: The people will resist what they do not identify with. They will all the more resist what goes against their value system. That rejected law, which suffered the fate of an earlier one in 1990, did not really foster autonomy. It provided that all decisions on the control of the region's wealth will be left to the Autonomous Region. This would have been fine, if not for the provision subly smuggled within the written rhetoric that regional laws must not contravene national laws.

Very clever national government! What it professed to give with the right hand, it actually intended to revoke with the left. But we have a more clever people: they hurled the law fast into the trash bin where it properly belonged. Amen! Did those people up there not realize that what has always impelled us to assert our autonomy is the inherent clash between national laws and indigenous laws?

Autonomy must be framed within the right of self-determination enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It is not granted; it is asserted. The United Nation recognizes the right of indigenous peoples to self-determination as an inalienable collective right. The initiative should come from the people and not dictated by the national government.


 If we allow the national government to run the show, we will have a token autonomous region. We ourselves will have authored the rape of our collective right. We are for the establishment of an autonomous region, one that will allow the Cordillera IP's to chart their own destiny and wrest control over the natural resources Kabunian intended for them and their descendants. For this, we are ready to reject an Establishment-sponsored "autonomy" law.

 By the way, here is a piece I wrote way back:

Macliing Dulag’s Warding-Off Speech
 


If Kabunian gave you a land
 of milk and honey
 and ordered you 
to take care of it for posterity
 What will you do 
if intruders want to take it away? 
 I imagine that you will fight
 For they who do not are ungrateful to Kabunian;
 they value not His gift 
 They ignore his command
 to defend the land in the name 
of coming generations thousands of years from now 

They who do not, spit on the graves 
of  their ancestors
 who preserved the land for them
 For land is life 
For life is the land

 If you were in our place 
You would fight 
You would fire your guns as we raise our spears 
You would probably pay your way 
to the justice system t
hat does not understand our ways 

For that is what you did
 to grab the lands of people 
Like us on the other side of the mountain 

So do not be stubborn in your ignorance
 of 
Why we refuse to vacate the land
 which had always been our home

We are the Palestinians in Palestine
 The Lumads in Mindanao 
The Mangyans in Mindoro

 We are the Martians in Mars
 Go away.
 Let our people sleep in peace
 Tonight. 

And the night after.

Of a Generation That Ignores its Culture in Its Development Efforts

Wearing Pierre Cardin neckties, they
come and go through the corridors of
dominion bearing surnames that divulge
their ethnic origin and cultural heritage
their air without a modicum of faint link
to the values that thrived on the bond
between the land and their mothers’ wombs
They care not that Bugan and her sisters
were pushed to bare their breasts to drive
away the usurpers come to destroy the
sacred burial grounds of their ancestors
They have not partaken of the wisdom
breathed by the dap-ay that shielded their
ancestors’ harvests and health from curse
In their swivel chair they dream of the cash
that gush from the water falls and the money
sprouting from trees in the thick forests
They ignore the cries of the womb
as it pleads for the land that sustains it.

From their cold dap-ay seats now of concrete,
the guardians of the ancient way of life
that perpetuated the womb watch helpless
like beaten war soldiers at the insolence
of the men whose time has yet to come
How they callously flaunt the power to
delete their people’s nexus to the past and
catapult the culture of the doomed; all that
matters is the clinking of the gold, oblivious
that love for it is the harbinger of death
They who are orphaned from their
surnames while their fathers still breathe,
they are alienated from the land that
perpetuated their bloodline since ages
A life of greed is the scourge of a lineage
It steals the rice grains of generations
and causes the gut of the few to burst
as they party in their Pierre Cardin ties
The womb that endured a wing of long
insults will commiserate with the abused
land and massacre the kernel it nurtures

Land is life; the bloodline ends with it.