MARITAL INFIDELITY: TO PUNISH OR NOT TO PUNISH (Part II of two parts)
[14]
Dionisio P. Tubianosa, Repeal
discriminatory provisions on extra marital affairs in the Revised Penal Code,
House of Representatives, Congress of the Philippines, 27 May 2014. Accessed from:
http://congress.gov.ph/press/details.php?pressid=7894.
[19] Philippine Commission on Women, Policy
Brief No. 3, Addressing the Inequality in our Penal Law on Adultery and
Concubinage: Enacting The Anti-Marital Infidelity Law. See also,
Domini M. Torrevillas, “Amending the marital infidelity law,” From The Stands, The Philippine Star, June 30, 2015, accessed from: http://www.philstar.com/opinion/2015/06/30/1471565/amending-marital-infidelity-law
VICE-PRESIDENTIAL IMMUNITY FROM SUIT: A MYTH MOTHERED BY JUSTICE SECRETARY DE LIMA
The 'short' of my 'long' comment: De Lima is wrong that the Vice President is immune from suit. If the President is not immune from suit, why should he be? Assuming the President is immune, the traditional reason for it -that he may be unimpeded in the exercise of presidential powers-- does not apply to the Vice President who has not one power under the Constitution.
Why should the Vice President be immune from suit when, in fact, the 1987 Constitution does not even state that the President who is higher than him, is?There has to be a reason why presidential immunity textually expressed in the 1973 Constitution was dropped from the 1987 Constitution which however retained the provision on non-suability of the State enshrined in the previous Constitution. Presidential immunity was a legal creation of Pres. Ferdinand Marcos. When his regime repudiated the 1935 Constitution in place of a new Constitution, he ensured that there would be a provision granting himself immunity from suit. Thus, Art. VII, Section 7 of the 1973 Constitution provided: "The President shall be immune from suit during his tenure. Thereafter, no suit or whatsoever shall lie for official acts done by him or by others pursuant to his specific orders during his tenure."
Presidential immunity positioned Marcos above the law.In a functioning democracy, no one is above the law. No one is above the law, not even the President, especially not the President who, under a presidential system like that of the Philippine Government, must ensure the faithful implementation of the laws.
The Marcos regime, to this very day, is internationally known for having been a government of men and women and not of laws. Rule of law was repudiated in the name of an oppressive dictatorship. There is no need to be apocryphal about the consequences of presidential immunity from suit.
In 1986, Marcos was ousted during the so-called People Power Revolution. Having learned its lessons, the Filipino people newly emergent from the cocoon of tyranny, sought to dismantle legal structures that desecrated the rule of law and put a few self-proclaimed leviathans above it. One way of realizing this was by hurling presidential immunity into the dustbins of history.
Thus, in the 1987 Constitution, there is already a very conspicuous absence of any provision to the effect that the President is immune from suit. It was the intent of the Filipino people, regardless of the intent of the constitutional drafters, to make the President of the Philippines accountable before the law. Accountability is a constitutional watchword under Section 1 of Article XI and is inherent in a functioning democracy. After all, the President is the chief implementor of laws. This becomes meaningless when, while he hoists the trident to enforce laws, he may not be made accountable while he sits when he violates them.
It is worth noting that the few decisions of the Philippine Supreme Court recognizing presidential immunity under the 1987 Constitution are friable. Its very tenacity was discussed in the case of Soliven, et. al.v. Judge Makasiar, where the Court stated that "(t)he rationale for the grant to the President of the privilege of immunity from suit is to assure the exercise of Presidential duties and functions free from any hindrance or distraction, considering that being a Chief Executive of the Government is a job that, aside from requiring all of the office-holder’s time, also demands undivided attention." Yet, Soliven disproved its own point. In this case, then President Corazon Aquino sued journalist Louie Beltran for libel occasioned by the latter's report that she hid under the bed at the height of a coup d’ etat against her administration. This suggestion of being a lameduck President so enraged Ms Aquino that she dragged her accuser to court. She was not denied access to the courts. And why should she? She was also a citizen subject to the same rights and obligations as the next citizen. At any rate, the point here is that under the doctrine of necessary implications, if the President can institute complaints under the spirit of the Constitution, s/he may also be made to respond to complaints. And if s/he can sue while President, then his/her attention gets divided. Soliven thus allows the President's attention to be divided, which immunity seeks to prevent.
Philippine jurisprudence on presidential immunity is not supported by the Constitution. At the risk of belaboring the point, the textual or literal expression of presidential immunity present in the 1973 Constitution was dropped by the 1987 Constitution, which must be interpreted as abandonment by the people of a provision that could entrench tyranny.
Moreover, the principle of rule of law and the basic tenet that democracy is a government of laws and not of people pervade our Constitution in spirit and must be considered written there. It is also remarkable that the United States on whose Constitution was based the Constitution of the Philippines, abandoned absolute presidential immunity from suit as a doctrine. In US v Nixon, the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) rejected President Richard Nixon’s claim of immunity from judicial processes because of executive privilege.
During his tenure, President George Bush was similarly haled to court. Among cases against him were Boumediene v. Bush, and Rasul v. Bush, both of which involved presidential acts, not private acts. That Nixon, Clinton, and Bush as sitting Presidents were sued and the SCOTUS did not dismiss the cases against them on grounds of immunity as our courts do when the President is in the same boat is a recognition that the US President is not, or is no longer, immune from suit as a rule.
Thus, Justice Secretary De Lima's legal opinion that the Vice President is immune from suit is so, so flawed.
NO CONSPIRACY, PLEASE.
By MARK MERUEÑAS, GMA News December 22, 2011 4:25pm
Justice Secretary Leila de Lima on Thursday said it was merely "coincidental" that the funds misuse complaint against Chief Justice Renato Corona's wife began rolling anew at a time when the Chief Justice is to face an impeachment trial next month.
Through her legal counsel, Ma. Cristina Corona on Thursday submitted an 16-page counter affidavit denying any misuse of P170,000 as president and chairman of the John Hay Management Corp (JHMC) from 2008 to 2010.
Mrs. Corona allegedly either charged expenses to JHMC or reimbursed amounts incurred at Camp John Hay in Baguio City.
The complaint against her was filed with the DOJ by former JHMC general manager Frank Daytec in July last year. Daytec migrated to Canada shortly after lodging the complaint. After almost a year and a half since the complaint was filed, the Justice Department carried out a preliminary investigation on the matter.
But De Lima said the timing of the investigation should not be put in question. "If you are implying that I instigated that because of this impeachment, I absolutely and categorically deny that."
"Nagkataon lang na it was set in motion [now] (It so happened that the case was set in motion now)," De Lima said.
After Thursday's preliminary investigation, Daytec's legal counsel and sister Cheryl Daytec said that even if Mrs. Corona failed to reimburse some of the amount in question, "the fact is, she asked for reimbursement and that alone consummates the crime."
Like De Lima, Cheryl said there was no conspiracy in the sudden "revival" of the case.
"It is unfortunate that the investigation coincided with the impeachment case... Besides, hindi nga dapat sabihin 'na-revive' kasi hindi naman namatay ang kaso to begin with (Besides, it is not correct to say that the case was revived because it never died to begin with)," said Cheryl, who denied being part of any political party but said she was an "activist."
But Mrs. Corona insisted on casting doubt on the "suspicious timing of the resurrection" of the complaint against her.
"It does not take much effort to see that this is directly and unequivocally connected to the political pressure by some quarters for my husband... to inhibit from certain cases pending in the Supreme Court or altogether resign from the Court," she said in a statement.
The Chief Justice is scheduled to face an impeachment trial at the Senate in January to answer eight allegations of betrayal of public trust among other charges. He is particularly being criticized for his perceived bias for former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who appointed him as chief justice.
Corona has already vowed to face the charges against him even as several individuals including those from the Integrated Bar of the Philippines have asked the court to issue a temporary restraining order, barring the Senate from moving on with the impeachment trial next month.
Mrs. Corona subscribed to her affidavit Thursday morning before Deputy Chief State Prosecutor Richard Fadullon at about 10 a.m. The affidavit was later filed during the preliminary investigation conducted by State Prosecutor Vimar Barcellano. Representing Mr. Daytec was his sister, while Corona was represented by Stanley Fabito.
Lawyer Daytec said their camp was given 15 days to file a manifestation that his brother - complainant Daytec - is willing to return to the Philippines from Canada to testify in case the complaint gets elevated to a trial court. Corona's camp will be given 10 days to comment on the manifestation, and the PI panel will have two months to resolve the complaint. — RSJ, GMA News
ON CJ CORONA'S ACCOUNTABILITY TO THE PEOPLE
Editorial
Accountability
“There is no doubt that we are staring at a constitutional crisis right in the face,” said Supreme Court spokesperson Midas Marquez, after the House of Representatives impeached Chief Justice Renato Corona. But on the day Marquez uttered his grave declaration, the Philippine republic seemed none the worse for wear from the supposed titanic and historic crisis it was going through. All three co-equal branches of government continued to operate normally—even the Supreme Court, which, Marquez admitted, would continue to function regularly, despite the impeachment of the Chief Justice.
By sunset of that day, nothing untoward had happened to the state or to its citizens. Whatever large-scale disruption there was would, in fact, occur only the next day—on the Supreme Court’s turf, when Marquez, also the court administrator, enjoined everyone in the judicial branch of government to suspend work for the day to listen to Corona’s speech decrying his impeachment and vowing to cling to his post by hook or by crook. Among the hearings affected by the court suspensions was the Ampatuan massacre trial. Marquez would subsequently deny that he ordered a “court holiday,” but an Iloilo judge said he got the call from Marquez himself.
In any case, nearly the country’s entire judiciary ground to a halt, with employees of Manila salas even trooping to the Supreme Court grounds to cheer as their embattled chief launched a counterattack against President Aquino and his allies in Congress with a sour, caustic peroration that sounded more like a campaign stump speech, and whose main meat—“Handa po akong humarap sa paglilitis”—the courts could have been told about without them having to go on work stoppage. Incidentally, the high court itself has forbidden government personnel from suspending official work to engage in rallies or politically related activities. Surely this counted as one. But for the Chief Justice’s sake, one supposes, a creative reinterpretation of the law was again in order.
The anomalous court holiday derives from the same hubristic mindset that informs the so-called “constitutional crisis” Marquez troubles his head with: the idea that the Supreme Court is Corona, and Corona is the Supreme Court, and any attack on the Chief Justice is therefore also an assault on the Court and the branch of government it heads. “Make no mistake,” said Marquez, “this is an assault not only on the person of Chief Justice Corona, not only on his office, not only on the Supreme Court. This is an assault on all the rights, powers and privileges of the entire judiciary.”
Corona himself, unperturbed by any scintilla of humility or circumspection, has no problem proclaiming that he and the office he holds are indeed one and the same: “I am here. I am not going anywhere. I am your defender and most of all I am your Chief Justice. Together we will face these challenges and fight all who dare to destroy the Court and our system of justice under the Constitution.”
Ah, the Constitution. It’s a good thing Corona mentioned it, because nowhere in that document does it say that any government official becomes one with the office he or she holds, and that that government official may be removed from office only at the risk of damaging the office itself. When President Joseph Estrada was impeached by Congress, did the nation hear him complain that the onslaught against him was “an assault on all the rights, powers and privileges” of the presidency? Even Estrada wasn’t too dumb to claim that. The Constitution, in fact, lays out the opposite spirit. All government officials, whether elected or appointed, are accountable for their actions, and successful enforcement of that accountability—through constitutional offices such as the courts, the Office of the Ombudsman, the Sandiganbayan—could only disinfect and strengthen the offices defiled by their wayward personnel.
But, since the Chief Justice can’t be sued in his own court, the Constitution mandates one avenue by which to enforce accountability on him: impeachment. Loud and clear. When hard questions, then, are asked of the nation’s chief magistrate, when he is asked to explain himself on matters where his fairness, impartiality and fidelity to the oath of office he took are perceived to be in doubt, why should that be, necessarily and automatically, an assault on his office and the entire judiciary itself?
Corona’s impeachment is about Corona alone. He and his office are not one and indissoluble. To claim otherwise is the height of delusional conceit.